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Denen [Jkv. Belsky [lnJ.
Ferkey [Njy. Johnstone [NnK. Jones [piY. Todd [q1x. Vanderstappen [qcN. Dailey [qFk. Blavatsky [QJU. Lutzer [QLh. Reed [QlO. Mike McEniry [qM6. McMillan [qrW. Beller [RE0. Ahmad [ReD. Christie [RSH. Tomb [RZ5. Scott [sgk. Preston [SXW. Ayris, Michael Pearl [TWu. Sanders [ua2.
By Linda Chau [uFh.
Dana Davis [UHw. Emrick [UIH. Toney [uln. Tollen [uYZ. Wright [vA7. Anderson [VZd. Bartlett [wde.
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Augustine [Wl0. Smith [wWV. Future [XaS. By Philos Sopher [xgZ. Green [xN5. Ward [Xop. William Phelps [y0J. Moran, Malta Justice Initiative [Ygi. Metcalf [ypk. Walton [z8r. Jones, Bill Britton [zeK. Numerous features are defined in reference to their position relative to the shore. The terms tilliq higher and salliarusiq the one further down , for instance, are sometimes used to refer to the relative position of mountainous ranges in reference to the shore as seen from the sea Kupaaq Shore cracks qungiit are important, as they help to observe the tidal movement and tidal shifts.
Almost forty-two per cent of the place names collected for Igloolik refer to coastal features.
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As with the names of land and sea features, place names related to shores designate features of different scale. Many of them refer to points, but others refer to long stretches of shore. Names defining specific points within larger named features have frequently the same linguistic root as the name of the larger feature.
Other names refer to fiords, cliffs, landing points, places from where one can have a good look at the surroundings, places that are shallow, places that are deep, and campsites. As can be inferred from the place names cited above, naming of the shore is not only related to residence but also to traveling.
Both land and ice trails are fairly stable from year to year and they begin or terminate at specific coastal places for landing and launching. While traveling across straits of open water or sea ice, named places are marks on familiar horizons. As I will show below, the named horizon constitutes an important spatial framework for the traveler, in that names referring to larger- and smaller-scale features help define where one is. Intimate knowledge of the land, the shores and the sea is not enough to make someone a confident wayfinder. Someone who feels at ease while undertaking long journeys, hunting, and talking about such large territory, must know how to answer such questions as Where am I?
Traveling does not take place through abstract space but between places. Inuit in Igloolik organize such regions and places within different frameworks of spatial orientation. There is enormous variation with regard to how people from different cultural groups construct and use these frameworks. A wind-rose composed of sixteen wind bearings is said to have oriented European sailors from classical times through the Middle Ages Aczel The spatial frameworks used by Inuit in Igloolik are better described as ways of experiencing the territory rather than of representing space.
Having a spatial framework is not seen here as imposing an abstract grid onto the world, but as a way of experiencing or perceiving the environment through the engaging process of moving literally or figuratively in it. These frameworks are shared by the members of the community, and have been developed through generations. A memoryscape can exist at a social level only because people within a community share ways of experiencing the landscape they live in.
That is why people from a particular culture can understand each other and why people from different cultures can misunderstand each other Bravo Despite the interest that Inuit wayfinding ability has aroused in the past, systematic studies regarding what constitutes Inuit spatial frameworks are rare.
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Fortescue identified two major frameworks of orientation: the one constituted by the prevailing winds, and the one determined by the shore for inland Inuit groups, rivers take the place of the shore Other authors Carpenter , Nelson , Simeon have approached this issue marginally. MacDonald rightly points out that there is no one single method of Inuit spatial orientation and that hunters and families differ in the knowledge they possess and in how they learned it 6. Hunters in Igloolik give different answers when asked which methods they prefer for orienting and wayfinding.
All wayfinding methods, however, are used and understood in relation to a limited number of shared frameworks of spatial orientation known to everyone in Igloolik. These frameworks are constituted by the direction of prevailing winds and by the position of the mainland, the shores and the floe-edge. All methods are understood in relation to such frameworks: animals and seaweed move in reference to the shore or the floe-edge; sky features are situated in reference to wind bearings; and people move in and see the territory in terms of horizons where winds, shores, mainland, sea, floe-edge, celestial marks and familiar landmarks are situated, described and experienced.
The most significant element in terms of how Inuit experience the environment around them is constituted by the winds.
Winds occupy a central place in the lives of the Inuit of Igloolik. The winds foretell weather changes, shape patterns on the snow, and regulate along with the tides the behaviour of the moving ice. They are by far the most discussed of all environmental phenomena MacDonald , they largely regulate hunting activities, and they play a fundamental role in spatial orientation. Education regarding the learning about winds starts at a very early age. For someone who is navigating by the winds, a gradual shift can bring about a dangerous situation, resulting in the loss of his spatial framework.
Wind shifts are even more difficult to notice today due to the use of new means of transportation. The winds, therefore, are mainly considered in relation with their shaping of the snow. There are various snowdrifts of different shapes and sizes, but only the drifts left by prevailing winds can last throughout the winter.
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Experienced travelers can thus read the substantial spatial information left by the winds in the snow . Uangnaq and Nigiq are the two prevailing winds. Uangnaq produces snowdrifts that range in height from several centimetres to almost one meter.
ftp.mail.ruk-com.in.th/dentro-de-las-dimensiones-rumbo.php These snowdrifts are named uqalurait like a tongue , and are easy to recognize as their shape is distinctive and they become harder and permanent features on the snowscape. The tips of the uqalurait always point towards WNW, providing a reassuring orienting aid. Nigiq, on the other hand, is a constant wind blowing from ESE, which smoothes the ground over and produces snowdrifts known as uluangnaq like a cheek .
Hunters usually use uqalurait to set their bearings while traveling across large extensions of flat tundra, or during periods of poor visibility due to weather conditions or darkness. When snowdrifts are not visible they can be felt as snowmobile or dog-team drivers set a course that involves cutting across the drifts at particular angles. Hunters are able to indicate the location of different named places beyond the horizon just by identifying their current position in relation to a landmark and by using the snowdrifts as reference for direction.
Along with the uqalurait and the uluangnaq, there are other snow formations that provide spatial information to an attentive hunter, including qimukjuit drifts formed on the lee side of rocks , sivingajuq snow build up on the lee side of a hill , tissujaaq snow build up on the lee side of an ice floe, usually by a Nigiq wind , and tullimajuq snow surface which has been smoothed over by a Kanangnaq wind and has been compacted by human or animal tracks. Wind bearings: Winds are not merely winds.
They constitute an abstract but environmentally situated frame of orientation, a way of placing oneself within the territory and of placing the territory around oneself.